JESUS & ALINSKY
Walter Wink
You have heard that
it was said, “An eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth.” But I say to
you, Do not resist one who is evil. But if anyone strikes you on the
right cheek, turn to him the other also; and if anyone would sue you and
take your coat, let him have your cloak as well; and if any one forces
you to go one mile, go with him two miles. (attributed to Jesus in
Matthew 5:38–41, Revised Standard Version)
Many who have
committed their lives to working for change and justice in the world
simply dismiss Jesus’ teachings about nonviolence as impractical
idealism. And with good reason. “Turn the other cheek” suggests the
passive, Christian doormat quality that has made so many Christians
cowardly and complicit in the face of injustice. “Resist not evil” seems
to break the back of all opposition to evil and counsel submission.
“Going the second mile” has become a platitude meaning nothing more than
“extend yourself.” Rather than fostering structural change, such
attitudes encourage collaboration with the oppressor.
Jesus never behaved
in such ways. Whatever the source of the misunderstanding, it is
neither Jesus nor his teaching, which, when given a fair hearing in its
original social context, is arguably one of the most revolutionary
political statements ever uttered.
When the court
translators working in the hire of King James chose to translate
antistenai as “Resist not evil,” they were doing something more than
rendering Greek into English. They were translating nonviolent
resistance into docility. The Greek word means more than simply to
"stand against" or "resist." It means to resist violently, to revolt or
rebel, to engage in an insurrection. Jesus did not tell his oppressed
hearers not to resist evil. His entire ministry is at odds with such a
preposterous idea. He is, rather, warning against responding to evil in
kind by letting the oppressor set the terms of our opposition.
A proper
translation of Jesus’ teaching would then be, “Do not retaliate against
violence with violence.” Jesus was no less committed to opposing evil
than the anti-Roman resistance fighters like Barabbas. The only
difference was over the means to be used.
There are three
general responses to evil: (1) violent opposition, (2) passivity, and
(3) the third way of militant nonviolence articulated by Jesus. Human
evolution has conditioned us for only the first two of these responses:
fight or flight.
Fight had been the
cry of Galileans who had abortively rebelled against Rome only two
decades before Jesus spoke. Jesus and many of his hearers would have
seen some of the two thousand of their countrymen crucified by the
Romans along the roadsides. They would have known some of the
inhabitants of Sepphoris (a mere three miles north of Nazareth) who had
been sold into slavery for aiding the insurrectionists’ assault on the
arsenal there. Some also would live to experience the horrors of the
war against Rome in 66–70 C.E., one of the ghastliest in history. If
the option of fighting had no appeal to them, their only alternative was
flight: passivity, submission, or, at best, a passive-aggressive
recalcitrance in obeying commands. For them no third way existed.
Now we are in a
better position to see why King James’ servants translated antistenai
as “resist not.” The king would not want people concluding they had any
recourse against his or any other sovereign’s unjust policies. Jesus
commands us, according to these king’s men, to resist not. Jesus appears
to say say that submission to monarchial absolutism is the will of God.
Most modern translations have meekly followed the King James path.
Neither of the
invidious alternatives of flight or fight is what Jesus is proposing.
Jesus abhors both passivity and violence as responses to evil. His is a
third alternative not even touched by these options. The Scholars
Version translates Antistenai brilliantly: “Don’t react
violently against someone who is evil.”
Jesus clarifies his
meaning by three brief examples. “If anyone strikes you on the right
cheek, turn to him the other also.” Why the right cheek? How does one
strike another on the right cheek anyway? Try it. A blow by the right
fist in that right-handed world would land on the left cheek of the
opponent. To strike the right cheek with the fist would require using
the left hand, but in that society the left hand was used only for
unclean tasks. As the Dead Sea Scrolls specify, even to gesture
with the left hand at Qumran carried the penalty of ten days penance.
The only way one could strike the right cheek with the right hand would
be with the back of the hand.
What we are dealing
with here is unmistakably an insult, not a fistfight. The intention is
not to injure but to humiliate, to put someone in his or her place. One
normally did not strike a peer in this way, and if one did the fine was
exorbitant (four zuz was the fine for a blow to a peer with a
fist, 400 zuz for backhanding him; but to an underling, no
penalty whatever). A backhand slap was the normal way of admonishing
inferiors. Masters backhanded slaves; husbands, wives; parents,
children; men, women; Romans, Jews.
We have here a set
of unequal relations, in each of which retaliation would be suicidal.
The only normal response would be cowering submission. It is important
to ask who Jesus’ audience is. In every case, Jesus’ listeners are not
those who strike, initiate lawsuits, or impose forced labor. Rather,
Jesus is speaking to their victims, people who have been subjected to
these very indignities. They have been forced to stifle their inner
outrage at the dehumanizing treatment meted out to them by the
hierarchical system of caste and class, race and gender, age and status,
and by the guardians of imperial occupation.
Why then does Jesus
counsel these already humiliated people to turn the other cheek? Because
this action robs the oppressor of power to humiliate them. The person
who turns the other cheek is saying, in effect, “Try again. Your first
blow failed to achieve its intended effect. I deny you the power to
humiliate me. I am a human being just like you. Your status (gender,
race, age, wealth) does not alter that. You cannot demean me.”
Such a response
would create enormous difficulties for the striker. Purely logistically,
how can he now hit the other cheek? He cannot backhand it with his right
hand. If he hits with a fist, he makes himself an equal, acknowledging
the other as a peer. But the whole point of the back of the hand is to
reinforce the caste system and its institutionalized inequality.
The second example
Jesus gives is set in a court of law. Someone is being sued for his
outer garment. Who would do that and under what circumstances? Only the
poorest of the poor would have nothing but an outer garment to give as
collateral for a loan. Jewish law strictly required its return every
evening at sunset, for that was all the poor had in which to sleep. The
situation to which Jesus alludes is one with which his hearers would
have been too familiar: the poor debtor has sunk ever deeper into
poverty, the debt cannot be repaid, and his creditor has hauled him into
court to wring out repayment.
Indebtedness was
the most serious social problem in first-century Palestine. Jesus’
parables are full of debtors struggling to salvage their lives. It is in
this context that Jesus speaks. His hearers are the poor (“if anyone
would sue you”). They share a rankling hatred for a system that subjects
them to humiliation by stripping them of their lands, their goods,
finally even their outer garments.
Why then does Jesus
counsel them to give over their inner garment as well? This would mean
stripping off all their clothing and marching out of court stark naked!
Put yourself in the debtor’s place; imagine the chuckles this saying
must have evoked. There stands the creditor, beet-red with
embarrassment, your outer garment in one hand, your underwear in the
other. You have suddenly turned the tables on him. You had no hope of
winning the trial; the law was entirely in his favor. But you have
refused to be humiliated. At the same time you have registered a
stunning protest against a system that spawns such debt. You have said,
in effect, “You want my robe? Here, take everything! Now you’ve got all
I have except my body. Is that what you’ll take next?”
Nakedness was taboo
in Judaism. Shame fell not on the naked party but the person viewing or
causing one’s nakedness (Genesis 9:20–27). By stripping you have brought
the creditor under the same prohibition that led to the curse of Canaan.
As you parade into the street, your friends and neighbors, startled,
aghast, inquire what happened. You explain. They join your growing
procession, which now resembles a victory parade. The entire system by
which debtors are oppressed has been publicly unmasked. The creditor is
revealed to be not a “respectable” moneylender but a party in the
reduction of an entire social class to landlessness and destitution.
This unmasking is not simply punitive, however; it offers the creditor a
chance to see, perhaps for the first time in his life, what his
practices cause—and to repent.
Jesus in effect is
sponsoring clowning. In so doing he shows himself to be thoroughly
Jewish. A later saying of the Talmud runs, “If your neighbor calls you
an ass, put a saddle on your back.”
The Powers That Be
literally stand on their dignity. Nothing takes away their potency
faster than deft lampooning. By refusing to be awed by their power, the
powerless are emboldened to seize the initiative, even where structural
change is not possible. This message, far from being a counsel of
perfection unattainable in this life, is a practical, strategic measure
for empowering the oppressed. It provides a hint of how to take on the
entire system in a way that unmasks its essential cruelty and to
burlesque its pretensions to justice, law, and order.
Jesus’ third
example, the one about going the second mile, is drawn from the
enlightened practice of limiting the amount of forced labor that Roman
soldiers could levy on subject peoples. A soldier could impress a
civilian to carry his pack one mile only; to force the civilian to go
further carried with it severe penalties under military law. In this way
Rome tried to limit the anger of the occupied people and still keep its
armies on the move. Nevertheless, this levy was a bitter reminder to the
Jews that they were a subject people even in the Promised Land.
To this proud but
subjugated people Jesus does not counsel revolt. One does not “befriend”
the soldier, draw him aside, and drive a knife into his ribs. Jesus was
keenly aware of the futility of armed revolt against Roman imperial
might. He minced no words about it, though it must have cost him support
from the revolutionary factions.
But why walk the
second mile? Is this not to rebound to the opposite extreme: aiding and
abetting the enemy? Not at all. The question here, as in the two
previous instances, is how the oppressed can recover the initiative, how
they can assert their human dignity in a situation that cannot for the
time being be changed. The rules are Caesar’s but not how one responds
to the rules. The response is God’s, and Caesar has no power over that.
Imagine then the
soldier’s surprise when, at the next mile marker, he reluctantly reaches
to assume his pack (sixty-five to eighty-five pounds in full gear). You
say, “Oh no, let me carry it another mile.” Normally he has to coerce
your kinsmen to carry his pack; now you do it cheerfully and will not
stop! Is this a provocation? Are you insulting his strength? Being kind?
Trying to get him disciplined for seeming to make you go farther then
you should? Are you planning to file a complaint? To create trouble?
From a situation of
servile impressment, you have once more seized the initiative. You have
taken back the power of choice. The soldier is thrown off-balance by
being deprived of the predictability of your response. Imagine the
hilarious situation of a Roman infantryman pleading with a Jew, “Aw,
come on, please give me back my pack!” The humor of this scene may
escape those who picture it through sanctimonious eyes. It could
scarcely, however, have been lost on Jesus’ hearers, who must have
delighted in the prospect of thus discomfiting their oppressors.
Some readers may
object to the idea of discomfiting the soldier or embarrassing the
creditor. But can people engaged in oppressive acts repent unless made
uncomfortable with their actions? There is, admittedly, the danger of
using nonviolence as a tactic of revenge and humiliation. There is
also, at the opposite extreme, an equal danger of sentimentality and
softness that confuses the uncompromising love of Jesus with being nice.
Loving confrontation can free both the oppressed from docility and the
oppressor from sin.
Even if nonviolent
action does not immediately change the heart of the oppressor, it does
affect those committed to it. As Martin Luther King, Jr. attested, it
gives them new self-respect and calls on strength and courage they did
not know they had. To those with power, Jesus’ advice to the powerless
may seem paltry. But to those whose lifelong pattern has been to cringe,
bow, and scrape before their masters, to those who have internalized
their role as inferiors, this small step is momentous.
Jesus’ Third Way
·
Seize
the moral initiative.
·
Find
a creative alternative to violence.
·
Assert your own humanity and dignity as a person.
·
Meet
force with ridicule or humor.
·
Break
the cycle of humiliation.
·
Refuse to submit or to accept the inferior position.
·
Expose the injustice of the system.
·
Take
control of the power dynamic.
·
Shame
the oppressor into repentance.
·
Stand
your ground.
·
Force
the Powers into decisions for which they are not prepared.
·
Recognize your own power.
·
Be
willing to suffer rather than retaliate.
·
Force
the oppressor to see you in a new light.
·
Deprive the oppressor of a situation where force is effective.
·
Be
willing to undergo the penalty of breaking unjust laws.
It is too bad Jesus
did not provide fifteen or twenty more examples since we do not tend
toward this new response naturally. Some examples from political
history might help engrave it more deeply in our minds:
In Alagamar,
Brazil, a group of peasants organized a long-term struggle to preserve
their lands against attempts at illegal expropriation by national and
international firms (with the connivance of local politicians and the
military). Some of the peasants were arrested and jailed in town. Their
companions decided they were all equally responsible. Hundreds marched
to town. They filled the house of the judge, demanding to be jailed
with those who had been arrested. The judge was finally obliged to send
them all home, including the prisoners.
During the Vietnam
War, one woman claimed seventy-nine dependents on her United States
income tax, all Vietnamese orphans, so she owed no tax. They were not
legal dependents, of course, so were disallowed. No, she insisted, these
children have been orphaned by indiscriminate United States bombing; we
are responsible for their lives. She forced the Internal Revenue Service
to take her to court. That gave her a larger forum for making her case.
She used the system against itself to unmask the moral indefensibility
of what the system was doing. Of course she “lost” the case, but she
made her point.
During World War
II, when Nazi authorities in occupied Denmark promulgated an order that
all Jews had to wear yellow armbands with the Star of David, the king
made it a point to attend a celebration in the Copenhagen synagogue. He
and most of the population of Copenhagen donned yellow armbands as well.
His stand was affirmed by the Bishop of Sjaelland and other Lutheran
clergy. The Nazis eventually had to rescind the order.
It is important to
repeat such stories to extend our imaginations for creative nonviolence.
Since it is not a natural response, we need to be schooled in it. We
need models, and we need to rehearse nonviolence in our daily lives if
we ever hope to resort to it in crises.
Maybe it would help
to juxtapose Jesus’ teachings with legendary community organizer Saul
Alinsky’s principles for nonviolent community action (in his Rules
for Radicals) to gain a clearer sense of their practicality and
pertinence to the struggles of our time. Among rules Alinsky developed
in his attempts to organize American workers and minority communities
are these:
(1) Power is not
only what you have but what your enemy thinks you have.
(2) Never go
outside the experience of your people.
(3) Wherever
possible go outside the experience of the enemy.
Jesus, like
Alinsky, recommended using your experience of being belittled,
insulted, or dispossessed in such a way as to seize the initiative from
the oppressor, who finds reactions like going the second mile, stripping
naked, or turning the other cheek totally outside his experience. This
forces him her to take your power seriously and perhaps even to
recognize your humanity.
Alinsky offers
other suggestions. Again we see the parallels:
(4) Make your
enemies live up to their own book of rules.
(5) Ridicule is
your most potent weapon.
(6) A good tactic
is one that your people enjoy.
(7) A tactic that
drags on too long becomes a drag.
The debtor in
Jesus’ example turned the law against his creditor by obeying it,
following the letter of the law, but throwing in his underwear as well.
The creditor’s greed is exposed by his own ruthlessness, and this
happens quickly and in a way that could only regale the debtor’s
sympathizers, just as Alinsky suggests. This puts all other such
creditors on notice and arms all other debtors with a new sense of
possibilities.
Alinsky’s list
continues:
(8) Keep the
pressure on.
(9) The threat is
usually more terrifying than the thing itself.
(10) The major
premise for tactics is the development of operations that will maintain
a constant pressure on the opposition.
Jesus, in his three
brief examples, does not lay out the basis of a sustained movement, but
his ministry as a whole is a model of long-term social struggle that
maintains a constant pressure. Mark depicts Jesus’ movements as a
blitzkrieg. His teaching poses immediate and continuing threats to the
authorities. The good he brings is misperceived as evil, his following
is overestimated, his militancy is misread as sedition, and his
proclamation of the coming Reign of God is mistaken as a manifesto for
military revolution.
Disavowing
violence, Jesus wades into the hostility of Jerusalem openhanded,
setting simple truth against force. Terrified by the threat of this man
and his following, the authorities resort to their ultimate deterrent,
death, only to discover it impotent and themselves unmasked. The cross,
hideous and macabre, becomes the symbol of liberation. The movement that
should have died becomes a world religion.
Alinsky offers
three last suggestions:
(11) If you push a
negative hard and deep enough it will break through to its counterside.
(12) The price of a
successful attack is a constructive alternative.
(13) Pick the
target, freeze it, personalize it, polarize it.
Alinsky delighted
in using the most vicious behavior of his opponents—burglaries of
movement headquarters, attempted blackmail, and failed
assassinations—to destroy their public credibility. Here were elected
officials, respected corporations, and trusted police, engaging in
patent illegalities to maintain privilege.
In the same way,
Jesus suggests amplifying an injustice (turning the other cheek,
removing your undergarment, going the second mile) to expose the
fundamental wrongness of legalized oppression. The law is
“compassionate” in requiring that the debtor’s cloak be returned at
sunset, yes; but Judaism in its most lucid moments knew that the whole
system of usury and indebtedness was itself the root of injustice and
should never have been condoned (Exodus 22:25). The restriction of
enforced labor to carrying the soldier’s pack a single mile was a great
advance over unlimited impressment, but occupation troops had no right
to be on Jewish soil in the first place.
Jesus was not
content merely to empower the powerless, however. Here his teachings
fundamentally transcend Alinsky’s. Jesus did not advocate non-violence
merely as a technique for outwitting the enemy but as a just means of
opposing the enemy in such a way as to hold open the possibility of the
enemy’s becoming just as well.
To Alinsky’s list I
would like to add another “rule” of my own: never adopt a strategy you
would not want your opponents to use against you. I would not object to
my opponents using nonviolent direct actions against me, since such a
move would require them to be committed to suffer and even die rather
than resort to violence against me. It would mean they would have to
honor my humanity, believe God can transform me, and treat me with
dignity and respect.
Today we can draw
on the cumulative historical experience of nonviolent social struggle.
But the spirit, the thrust, the surge for creative transformation that
is the ultimate principle of the universe—this is the same one we see
incarnated in Jesus. Freed from literalistic legalism, his teaching
reads like a practical manual for empowering the powerless to seize the
initiative even in situations impervious to change.
To risk confronting
the Powers with such clown-like vulnerability, to affirm at the same
time our own humanity and that of those we oppose, to dare to draw the
sting of evil by absorbing it—such behavior is unlikely to attract the
faint of heart. But to people dispirited by the enormity of the
injustices that crush us and the intractability of those in positions of
power, Jesus’ words beam hope across the centuries. We need not be
afraid. We can assert our human dignity. We can lay claim to the
creative possibilities that are still ours, burlesque the injustice of
unfair laws, and force evil out of hiding from behind the facade of
legitimacy.
Walter Wink’s
newest book is Jesus and Nonviolence: The Third Way (Fortress
Press, 2003). He is the author of many other books including Engaging
The Powers (Fortress Press, 1992) and The Powers That Be
(Galilee, 1999). Printed with the permission of Walter Wink.